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A summer
of fear and protest: demonstration against draft UK Mental Health
Bill
David Harper,
senior lecturer in clinical psychology at the University of East
London, reflects on a demonstration last month against the Government's
draft Mental Health Bill
September 9,
2002
In the week
that saw the cancellation of the Mental Health Alliance's 5,000
strong rally and march through Whitehall scheduled for 14 September
expressing concerns about the UK government's draft Mental Health
Bill published in June, it's perhaps timely to reflect on a much
smaller demonstration which happened three weeks ago.
Monday 12 August
2002 saw a group of 50 service users, critical mental health workers,
academics and others demonstrating outside the Department of Health
in London about the government's proposed Mental Health Bill which
regulates when people can be given psychiatric treatment against
their will.
The demonstration
was organised by the Critical Mental Health Forum, a group which
is critical of current theory and practice in mental health services.
It was formed in January 2000 and joined Mad Pride and the Critical
Psychiatry Network in a lobby of the Royal College of Psychiatrists
and the Association of British Pharmaceutical Industries in July
2001 about the dangers of drug company sponsorship of psychiatric
research and the dangers of psychiatric drugs.
The demonstration
on 12 August outside the Department of Health Headquarters in Whitehall
was good humoured and colourful with straightjackets and a giant
syringe.
There was a
variety of placards and striking banners carrying messages like
'hugs not drugs', 'respect choice not compulsion', 'detention without
trial', 'psychiatric drugs kill one a week', 'just say no to CTOs
(Community Treatment Orders)', 'it is a human rights issue', 'free
your mind' and 'do you know your own mind?'. A number of service
users, relatives and critical professionals spoke briefly through
a megaphone expressing their disquiet about the government's plans.
The demonstrators
argued that the proposed legislation is skewed by a focus on risk
and that professional risk prediction is so inaccurate and homicide
by people with mental health problems so rare that 5,000 people
with psychosis would need to be detained to prevent one homicide.
Some have described
the belief in the ability to catch people before they have committed
any crime as the kind of dangerous fantasy seen in the film Minority
Report with its Division of Pre-Crime.
They want the
government to introduce separate criminal justice legislation on
risk and to keep safeguards like the 'treatability' criterion (which
prevents indefinite detention in hospital if treatment is unsuccessful).
The Forum is calling on the government to take more leadership in
combating discrimination against people with mental health problems,
to have much narrower criteria for when compulsory treatments are
to be used and to drop plans to extend compulsory treatment into
the community.
The demonstrators
want the government to offer people a real choice of treatments
as elsewhere in the NHS so that compulsory treatment becomes a last
rather than a first resort. This should include making advance statements
(a statement about how one wishes to be treated in a crisis made
when one is 'well') legally binding and providing non-medical crisis
houses available 24 hours a day.
Dr Rufus May,
a clinical psychologist who was a psychiatric patient himself when
younger said: "This mental health bill is dangerous and draconian.
It will lock up hundreds of innocent people. Thousands more will
be forced to take drugs against their will, that by itself will
add to people's problems of powerlessness and discrimination.
"Suicides
will rocket. For many of us who have been psychiatric patients,
recovery was about taking responsibility for our lives, not being
turned into permanent drug addicts. History shows us that doctors
do not know best, that good mental health services are about trust
and partnership not about drugging and locking people up."
Dr Phil Thomas,
Consultant Psychiatrist who has been practising for twenty years
said: "This is the most ethically flawed mental health legislation
this country has ever seen, because it broadens the definition of
mental disorder. It also means that people can be locked up even
though there may be no treatment for their condition."
The demonstration
was covered in Community Care, the Nursing Times, the Health Service
Journal, Disability News and the Morning Star.
Many other journalists
were planning to cover the rally planned for 14 September instead
which makes the postponement (due to concerns about media coverage
following the tragic killings of Jessica Chapman and Holly Wells
in Soham in the Summer) even more sad.
There is, unfortunately,
never going to be a good time to have a public debate about whether
public protection is most appropriately dealt with in Mental Health
legislation rather than through the Criminal Justice system and
whether the government's proposals would really prevent such unfortunately
unpredictable crimes.
The demonstrators handed in a statement and a petition about the
Bill into No. 10 Downing Street. A copy of the Statement is below.
CRITICAL
MENTAL HEALTH'S RESPONSE TO THE DRAFT MENTAL HEALTH BILL
"Choice
not compulsion"
The government's
proposals in the draft Mental Health Bill represent severe challenges
to human rights. Despite the government's stated wish for consultation
they have ignored many of the recommendations of the Richardson
committee, consultation on the original Green Paper and following
the White Paper last year.
We see the current
process of consultation as phoney. If anything the government's
proposals have got worse over time. Our concerns are:
Over-emphasis
on risk. Most studies show that the proportion of homicides
committed by people with mental health problems is very low when
compared to the overall homicide rate. You are more likely to be
attacked on a Saturday night by someone without a mental health
problem. It is likely that services will become even more defensive
and less responsive to the needs of those who use them.
·
Risk prediction: A dangerous fantasy. There is no disputing
that the very small number of such homicides (compared with the
overall total) committed by people with mental health problems are
both tragedies and frightening but there is no evidence that mental
health professionals can accurately predict who will be violent
before an offence is committed. The government's criteria for compulsory
powers are broad so as to 'catch' people before they offend. This
is a dangerous fantasy.
One estimate
suggests that to prevent one homicide by a person with psychosis
you would need to detain 5,000 people. Does the government want
to return to the days of the warehousing of the mentally ill? Do
we want to hear of numerous cases of miscarriages of justice in
the future? David Blunkett's recent proposals to introduce indeterminate
and reviewable sentences for violent and sexual offenders would
give the government powers to detain offenders still considered
a serious risk so there is no reason to introduce mental health
legislation that would mean detention without trial or even an offence.
·
Removing loopholes or attacking human rights? The notion that
someone shouldn't be compulsorily detained in hospital if they were
not considered 'treatable' was introduced in the 1983 Mental Health
Act to prevent widespread indefinite detention in hospital. The
government wants to remove this (they call it a 'loophole') but
with no adequate safeguards. Under the government's proposals it
could be considered treatment simply to lock someone up in a hospital.
That's the job of a prison, not a hospital.
·
The Human Rights Act should be a floor below which rights shouldn't
drop, not a ceiling.
The government will claim that much of what it is proposing is in
line with the Human Rights Act (which incorporated the European
Convention on Human Rights into UK law in 1988).
The problem
is that this provides relatively little protection for those with
mental health problems. For example, under Article 5 people of 'unsound
mind' can be detained without committing an offence along with other
outcast groups. But this was written in the late 1940s when attitudes
to mental illness were more conservative. People with mental health
problems should be accorded more, not less rights now in a Mental
Health Bill which should be aiming for 21st century standards. The
Human Rights Act should be a floor below which rights should not
drop, not a ceiling.
·
The emphasis on risk leads to discrimination which contradicts stated
government policies on reducing discrimination. In the National
Service Framework for Mental Health (DoH, 1999) the government's
first standard was to 'combat discrimination against individuals
and groups with mental health problems, and promote their social
inclusion'. Rather than addressing this and providing leadership,
the government's talk of 'dangerous patients' simply panders to
inaccurate and discriminatory stereotypes.
·
The numbers of people treated without their consent will increase.
Despite evidence from a number of bodies the government have deliberately
left the criteria for compulsory treatment broad. As a result it
is likely that the numbers of people treated compulsorily will increase
despite the government's stated intention to reduce the numbers.
At the moment the number of hospital beds acts as a 'cap' on numbers
but allowing compulsory treatment in the community would remove
this cap.
·
Continued over-reliance on physical treatments. Despite this
being the 21st century the government have refused to outlaw psychosurgery
(in fact its use is to be extended to those who are not able to
give consent). Similarly electroshock treatment is to be allowed
without consent. There are to be no sanctions against doctors who
prescribe drugs over recommended limits. There is continued implicit
reliance on these treatments when the evidence shows that at least
30% of patients are not helped by them -- there is a need to provide
people with a real choice of alternatives.
·
The dangers of extending compulsion into the community. Research
into recovery from mental distress suggests that people benefit
most when they have a good therapeutic relationship with their helpers.
Increasing the compulsory powers that mental health professionals
have is likely to undermine the potential for trusting collaborative
relationships between helpers and patients. Whilst forcibly medicating
people living in the community may seem like an easy option it would
ultimately harm people's potential to live independent and fulfilling
lives. These proposals are likely to harm people's chances of receiving
beneficial treatment and care. They would infringe people's rights
to genuinely helpful mental health services.
· There
is nothing to move compulsory treatment from being a first to a
last resort. There is little in the government's proposals to
make compulsion more of a last resort. We would like to see much
more choice offered to those who use services rather than the government's
emphasis on compulsion.
We would
like to see:
·
Risk: The removal of provisions relating to risk from the Mental
Health Act and the introduction of separate criminal justice legislation
to address this.
·
Discrimination: Leadership by the government on addressing discrimination
against people with mental health problems (eg in government policies
and in the media).
·
Stopping hospitals from becoming prisons: The maintaining of
safeguards like 'treatability'.
·
Physical treatments: The outlawing of psychosurgery and ECT.
Much tougher sanctions against doctors who prescribe over recommended
limits (eg to make it a criminal offence). Better provision of alternative
treatments.
·
Community treatment orders: Preventing the extension of compulsory
powers into the community.
·
Sanctuary: 24 hour access to a (non-medical) place of sanctuary/asylum
for people during mental health crises that do not use compulsory
medical treatments.
·
Narrower criteria: Compulsory treatment only to be considered
for those judged as not having the 'capacity' to make an informed
decision about their treatment at the time.
·
Compulsion as a last not a first resort: For health services
to have a duty to show they have both offered a choice of and actually
tried other kinds of treatment such as psychological support and
non medical respite care before compulsory drug and other physical
treatments are considered as an option.
·
Choice not compulsion: When compulsory treatment is used this
should adhere to the wishes of the service user as detailed in an
'advance statement' (a statement about how one wishes to be treated
in a crisis made when one is 'well') which should be legally binding.
1. The government's draft Mental Health Bill was published on Tuesday
25 June. For further information see:
http://www.doh.gov.uk/mentalhealth/draftbill2002/index.htm
2. A wide range
of groups have voiced criticism of the Bill including the Mental
Health Alliance (a coalition of professional organisations and charities).
For further information see:
http://www.mind.org.uk/take_action/mha.asp
The rally planned for 14 September has been postponed until October
when there will be a lobby of parliament (the last in the Summer
of 2000 saw two thousand people attending, lobbying their MPs).
Some have said they will still attend on 14 September even though
the rally has been cancelled.
3. For more
information see on the Critical Mental Health Forum see:
http://www.critpsynet.freeuk.com/criticalmentalhealth.htm
You can also access the Critical Psychiatry Network via this address.
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